Recently, an Instagram reel of OMGxBH (a social media platform launched by Berita Harian to spur youth-oriented conversations) went: “Kalau ada Rumi, baru orang muda pergi Geylang?” This reel was released as part of marketing efforts to promote the completion of the first phase of rejuvenation works in the Geylang Serai Cultural Belt, and this particular question can be briefly translated into “Only if there is Rumi, then will the youth visit Geylang?” 

For those unacquainted, Rumi The Poet’s cup (abbreviated as Rumi) is a highly youth-frequented Muslim-owned cafe located at Haji Lane, that offers affordable drinks and desserts. Part of its charm is the ambience contributed by the alfresco dining experience where seating areas are extended onto Haji Lane itself, the music, as well as the occasional events that they organise (See: Rumi Blind Date Night)^[1]. Looking at this as a sociological site of study, we can situate Rumi to belong to the category of the third place, a phenomenon coined by sociologist Ray Oldenburg that describes places that “host the regular, voluntary, informal […] gatherings of individuals beyond the realms of home and work”^[2]. We can also look at this through the lens of leisure studies, where leisure can be explored vis-a-vis one’s culture, life course, or in relation to consumption^[3].  

In the realm of leisure studies, the ways that people carry out leisure have been said to only be described in detail in only a few, almost exclusively Western societies^[4]. As such, this raises an inquiry regarding specific communities and how they might interpret and carry out leisure. Specifically, what might leisure look like within the Singaporean Malay youth community? Roberts notes that the youth is the first age group whose “leisure received sustained scrutiny”, where the uses of free time by young people were likely to be defined as a “social problem”^[5]. Referencing one of the few studies on leisure of young Singaporeans, Chew et al (1998) examined the leisure activities of Singaporean youth, vis-a-vis gender, race, religion and residential type. It was found that the Malay community appears to engage more often in social and recreational activities than youth of other races^[6]. It is hence surprising that for the pervasive stereotype about Malays and lepak (hanging out), there has been very little study about this phenomenon of lepak/leisure behaviours within the Singaporean Malay community. This article then aims to uncover the notion of leisure in the community, particularly in relation to place. 

Why Rumi?  

Of course, Rumi isn’t the only place that is associated with the Malay youth. If we were to observe the Kampong Glam area surrounding Rumi, there have been many businesses and spaces of consumption popping up for the youth in this particular area of Bugis over the years – from the myriad photo booths opening up along Haji Lane, thrift shops, record stores, to the quaint cafes for desserts and drinks, and the countless restaurants in the area. With the Urban Redevelopment Authority (URA) officially designating Kampong Glam as Singapore’s Malay-Muslim heritage district in 1989^[7], the appeal of this area can also be said to be its Muslim-friendly aspect, where the choice of halal and Muslim-friendly food options available to the Muslim community are comparably ubiquitous. 

Geylang Serai vs Kampong Glam  

Muzaini (2020) in Locating “Malay Places” and Ethnic Identity Making in Singapore, highlights four areas that have played a crucial role in helping the Malay community navigate their ethnic identity in the history of Singapore – Kampong Glam, Geylang Serai, Telok Blangah, and Kallang (except that the latter two are now less associated with the Malay community)^[8]. 

There is an observation made in the question raised in “Kalau ada Rumi, baru orang muda pergi Geylang?” – being that Geylang is not frequented enough by the youth, despite it being a “Malay place”. What might be different between Kampong Glam and Geylang Serai, and where exactly do our youth spend their leisure time? 

The Singapore Tourism Board (STB) website indicates how the Malays shifted to the periphery after the British dissolved a floating Malay village on the Singapore River in the 1840s, eventually congregating in Geylang, where it is now promoted as a “Malay heartland”. This has had an effect on the present where Singaporean Malays are drawn to the less central, heartland location of Geylang Serai for ethnic food or clothing^[9]. Here, there is a sort of dichotomy of the conception of “Malayness” – one of a peripheral/heartland Geylang with its organic culture borne out of the people themselves. This is in contrast to an urban/central Kampong Glam whose modern, hip culture is said to adopt a more cosmopolitan perspective to fit the image of Singaporean progress. 

Taking a step back 

Shifting away from a racial lens, Singapore’s Recreation Master Plan shows that Singapore is looking at urban planning through a more intentional holistic approach that incorporates working, living, and playing^[10]. This Master Plan takes into consideration three key strategies, through enhancing recreational potential of green and blue spaces, activating underutilised spaces for recreation, and making recreation inclusive for all. What underlies recreation in the urban planning of Singapore is how these spaces built serve an important purpose of bringing people together, fostering stronger social ties and promoting cohesiveness in the nation^[11]. But leisure can be defined in many ways, and in various forms. Stebbins (2007) has identified eight forms of casual leisure that include: play, relaxation, passive and active entertainment, sociable conversation, sensory stimulation, casual volunteering, and pleasurable aerobic activity^[12]. While Singapore has placed a lot of thought into allocating and curating spaces for the wide range of recreational activities for its citizens, there is value in looking at places where people choose to organically congregate and gather – one whose meaning is curated and created by the people themselves. 

A commentary on CNA in early 2024 hints at the loss of these organic spaces for recreation after a street football court in Bedok was temporarily closed in response to residents’ complaints of noise. Yeo argues in this commentary regarding the implications of the loss of spaces such as void decks where children used to play, or the shifting of basketball courts to the community centres^[13]. The loss of accessible, close-proximity spaces comes with the loss of unstructured free play, which is important to foster independence, creativity, problem-solving and other important skills for the development of a child. 

Where else might youth spend their time? With the ubiquity of shopping malls in Singapore, it is not a strange sight to see our youth spending time at the mall after school, work, or during the weekends, considering the affordances in a mall that offers a myriad of food, retail and entertainment options. It is hence no wonder that the most common site for recreational consumption is the shopping mall. However, the cookie cutter format of shopping malls in Singapore makes it hard to differentiate the stores of one mall from another. This makes them devoid of identity, even though each individual mall may offer goods and services that appeal to various communities. The purpose of these can be seen to provide spaces where consumers can celebrate and experience different cultures, be it theirs or not. For instance, for the Malay/Muslim community, fully halal food courts that offer various cuisines from all around the world allows for a space for people to congregate, since eating can be said to be a social activity in itself. (By virtue of a meme, Wingstop is apparently also claimed by the Malay community.) 

Ooi (2005) surmises that “having a certain identity – ethnic or cultural – is supported in large part if there are spaces or places in which one can meet others of a similar identity and social background who can affirm this identity^[14].”14An example of what malls could look like in fostering identities would be the recently closed Peace Centre, after social movement PlayPan took over in October 2023 to encourage community-building activities. The mall then grew to house many businesses that did not have physical shop presence beforehand, of which may include a gallery, thrift stores, and a photography studio. To quote Associate Professor Ijlal Naqvi, the “exuberant, messy vitality of the community at Peace Centre convened by PlayPan […] encouraged a spirit of play, a DIY attitude, and fostered an atmosphere of generosity and mutual support among everyone there”^[15]. That said, while the function of each mall is up for individual shopping mall owners and operators to define, we also note that there is rarely an opportunity for youth consumers to make meaning out of the spaces in shopping malls, that allows them to iterate and strengthen their identities. 

Meaning-making in Geylang 

Circling back to the Instagram reel referenced previously, it is interesting to hear the responses of the youth who were interviewed when asked “What should Geylang have to attract more youth?” Aside from the seasonal Ramadan bazaar when there is more footfall in general, answers from these youth suggested more cafes, thrift shops, photobooths, and events – all these to promote the space to be more resilient for the youth. We note how most of these answers allude to this vision of a Geylang Serai that replicates the atmosphere of Kampong Glam, with one answer even mentioning “[bringing] the vibes of Arab Street to [Geylang].” We also note how these answers mention specific types of shops (thrift shops, photobooths, cafes) that may or may not be present in malls that relate to specific types of leisure that allow youth to create and affirm their individual identities. The initial thought is never the mall. 

Kampong Glam: A place for the youth? 

Perhaps the ubiquity of cafes like Rumi suggests a continuation of a trend of kopi consumption at the kopitiam, that met “local needs for a third place beyond the realms of home and work”^[16]. These kopitiams then become local nexuses where people of any culture, religion or social class can socialise, drink, and play chess due to their low barriers of entry with regard to cost and accessibility. Bringing this to today’s context, these cafes then become places where youth can conduct leisure. While there is the element of consumption, as one has to purchase to patronise the space, these youth may not perceive themselves as consumers at independent cafes in comparison to larger coffee chains, since youth are now more conscious of supporting independent businesses as compared to big coffee chains that are said to promote consumerism^[17]. In Malay social circles, language has also evolved to accommodate this phenomenon, with the terms mengeteh/mengopi being widely used to describe “having tea/coffee”. Of course, this expression isn’t only limited to those drinks. It just describes hanging out and sharing stories at an F&B establishment. If one wishes to patronise more traditional coffee places in the area, one can just turn the corner to find restaurants like ZamZam, Victory, or Bhai Sarbat to mengopi.  

Another factor could also be the later closing times of these places. Malls in Singapore generally close at 10pm even on weekend nights, but there are F&B options open till a later time if the establishment is not located in a shopping mall. The extra hours when spending time with your friends matter.  

As much as the earlier generations were drawn to the less central, heartland location of Geylang Serai to assert identity, this younger generation seems to be more inclined to the more urban Kampong Glam area with its own unique culture that seems to seamlessly blend modernity and community. There is so much more that can be observed and unpacked about these leisure behaviours and preferences of a community, which can be important for urban planners, policy makers, or business owners to consider – where a pertinent consideration includes allowing for enough space for culture to thrive organically when curating recreational spaces. 

¹Zulkifli, D. (2024) ‘Tempat lepak “mat minah”? Rumi The Poet’s Cup ada tarikan sendiri, kata pelanggan’, Berita Harian, 25 May. Available at: https://www.beritaharian.sg/gaya-hidup/tempat-lepak-mat-minah-rumi-poets-cup-ada-tarikan-sendiri-kata-pelanggan
²Ray Oldenburg. (2008) Project for Public Spaces. https://www.pps.org/article/roldenburg
³Blackshaw, T. (2013). Routledge Handbook of Leisure Studies. https://doi.org/10.4324/9780203140505-61
⁴Chick, G. (2013). Leisure in culture. Routledge Handbook of Leisure Studies. https://doi.org/10.4324/9780203140505.ch18
⁵Roberts, K. (2013). Leisure in culture. Routledge Handbook of Leisure Studies. https://doi.org/10.4324/9780203140505.ch22
⁶Chew, S. B., Leu, M., & Tan, K. H. (1998). Leisure Activities. Values and Lifestyles of Young Singaporeans, 89–126.
⁷Tantow, D. (2012). Politics of Heritage in Singapore. Indonesia and the Malay World, 40(118), 332–353. https://doi.org/10.1080/13639811.2012.725553
⁸Locating “Malay Places” and Ethnic Identity Making in Singapore. Singapore Research Nexus. (2022). https://fass.nus.edu.sg/srn/2022/04/13/locating-malay-places-and-ethnic-identity-making-in-singapore/
⁹Tantow, D. (2012). Politics of Heritage in Singapore. Indonesia and the Malay World, 40(118), 332–353. https://doi.org/10.1080/13639811.2012.725553N
¹⁰Woo, J. J. (2024, May 1). Commentary: Singapore is getting serious about recreation. CNA. Retrieved from https://www.channelnewsasia.com/commentary/singapore-work-play-live-recreation-ura-master-plan-viaduct-rooftop-4302846.
¹¹Ibid.
¹²Blackshaw, T. (2013). Routledge Handbook of Leisure Studies. https://doi.org/10.4324/9780203140505-61
¹³Yeo, E. (2024). Commentary: it’s time to think about where kids can freely play football in singapore. CNA. Retrieved from https://www.channelnewsasia.com/commentary/singapore-street-football-court-close-space-children-play-sports-4027101.
¹⁴Ismail, R. (2006). Ramadan and Bussorah Street: The spirit of place. GeoJournal, 66(3), 243–256. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10708-006-9027-y
¹⁵Chiu, C. (2024). ‘It’s hard to find another place like this’: Peace Centre to close after Jan 28. The Straits Times.
¹⁶Chang, C., & McGonigle, I. (2020). Kopi culture: Consumption, conservatism and cosmopolitanism among Singapore’s millennials. Asian Anthropology, 19(3), 213–231. https://doi.org/10.1080/1683478x.2020.1726965
¹⁷Ibid.

Nur Izzatie is currently a Research Analyst at the Centre of Research on Islamic and Malay Affairs (RIMA). She completed her undergraduate studies in Sociology at Nanyang Technological University, where she was able to cultivate her love for unpacking and diving deep into different cultural phenomena. 

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