Contrary to the secularisation theory which posits that the shift to a non-religious belief system would necessarily equate to the decline of the stronghold of religion in our everyday lives, we observe today an increased awareness of religion’s vital role in contemporary society. This resurgence, alongside the rise of new media, has challenged the predictions of secularisation theory and prompted academics and religious leaders to closely examine its impact on religious beliefs and practices.
As Campbell argues, “One cannot fully understand contemporary religiosity without understanding the traits of religious practice online and how they reflect larger trends in religious beliefs and practices offline”[1]. Campbell is also a champion in this increasingly robust field of study of digital religion, looking at it as a frame for articulating the evolution of religious practice online. Here, she looks at not only how digital media necessitates religious groups to adapt to changing ideas of religious traditions, authority or authenticity, but also to give thought to the contributions that the digital sphere is making to religion itself. How then is this exemplified in the Singaporean Islamic context? This article hence seeks to explore the different ways the rise of this digital space affects how we perceive and understand Islam.
Despite the ubiquity of the internet in our everyday lives — with close to 99% of resident households in Singapore having internet access (according to the 2023 Singapore Digital Society Report)[2] — the intersection between religion and the digital space has yet to be thoroughly explored in the Singaporean context. In the academic space at least, the limited studies on the Islamic cyberspace in Singapore tend to focus on niches such as how the digital space affects Singaporean women, or the influence of media on Singaporean Muslim’s perceptions of cultured meat. The former two studies had a rather modest sample size, while the latter garnered 658 survey respondents. In 2008, a study of similar sample size was conducted regarding the types of religious activities Muslim users engage in on the internet. Though limited in number, these studies have been very valuable in adding to the corpus of knowledge regarding the intersection of Islam and the digital space.
There are also commentaries and articles that add to this discourse. In my observation, much of the local discourse on Islam and the digital space revolves around addressing or combating online radicalisation. It has been a concern for the Internal Security Department (ISD) that the country “remains a target for religious extremists” who are actively advancing radical Islamist ideology, specifically in reference to the pro-Islamic State ecosystem on social media[3]. Commentaries on these discuss the ways extremist narratives may arise through various digital phenomena — through filter bubbles, echo chambers and algorithms — which, when left unchecked, can reinforce and perpetuate radical narratives[4]. These articles would also put forth the ways in which online radicalisation can be countered, of some would be through inculcating digital media literacy, expanding online circles to avoid filter bubbles created by algorithm, or for the asatizah (religious teachers)[5].
In other areas, we see that the discourse of Islam and the digital space steer towards the role of local asatizahs. Zulkarnain discusses the advantages of using social media for proselytisation, noting how many asatizahs globally and locally have jumped on this bandwagon to disseminate Islamic knowledge due to its ability for mass outreach, to establish connections and relationships, as well as to safeguard the community from radical ideologies[6]. In a similar vein when discussing asatizahs, Faris’ commentary on developing a new generation of asatizahs suggests that future asatizahs should be able to incorporate a fresh religious outlook that is contextually grounded, who are not just able to “master the English language in religious discourse” or “[reach] out to the masses by using new media”[7] . Here, there is an acknowledgement of the complexities of the times, where it is seemingly inevitable that asatizahs would have to, one way or another, utilise the digital space in their teaching processes. To further expand on this discourse, Fadhlin gathered preliminary data of the Singapore Muslim religious landscape by examining prominent asatizah within the Singaporean Muslim community in her thesis. Here, she engages in a conversation with five selected prominent “asatizah influencers”, exploring the extent to which the use of social media has “brought about a corresponding change in religious outlook which is more conducive towards adapting to social change”[8].
This is also reinforced by the many online and offline conversations over the years regarding this discourse of asatizahs in the digital space, which include discussions titled “Dakwah Media Sosial: Lebih berkesan atau sekadar kumpul followers?” (Social Media Proselytisation: More effective or just gathering followers?) (Berita Harian FB Live, 2022), or “Perlu ke asatizah jadi influencer atau ‘asatizah celebrity’?” (Is there a need for asatizahs to be influencers or “celebrity asatizah”?) (Fitrah podcast, 2024), or “Islam Commodified: Preachers and Influencers in the New Business Model” (NUS Malay Studies forum event, 2024).
Hence, outside of these aforementioned foci in the broader discourse, this article seeks to better situate the study of the digital world and Islam in Singapore, be it through existing literature or otherwise, against the broader field of religion and the Internet — expanding on some highlighted characteristics of religious practice online with reference to Campbell’s critical literature review of the subfield of Internet Studies.[9]
Varying Conceptions of Authority
The immediate source of religious authority that we think of locally may be our local asatizahs. This is part of the requirement before asatizahs are allowed to provide any Islamic instruction to residents in Singapore. On top of that, there have been many initiatives to enhance skills and competencies of asatizahs, such as the development of the Asatizah Workforce Development Plan (AWDP). However, while we have been discussing the role of local asatizahs in the digital space, there is a need to examine shifting or various conceptions of authority outside of the local asatizah fraternity, and the various players whom the community may deem as a ‘religious authority’ in the online space. In defining religious authority in this article, I refer to Weber’s concept of authority as one that is intimately linked to legitimacy. That is to say, who do we deem as legitimate in disseminating Islamic knowledge?
In an era of search engines, the phenomenon of ‘Sheikh Google’ becomes prominent, where many turn to search engines to answer religious queries. As Ustaz Ridhwan points out, “Social media has led to the decentralisation of authority, including religious authority. Anyone and any channel may be able to gain ‘credibility’ online by sounding compelling, targeting the right users and being active online.”[10]
It may also be helpful to look at the different types of online platforms or accounts that produce or provide Islamic content. An examination of this landscape shows that it is not only asatizahs as a religious individual who produce Islamic content under their own name, but there also exist other content producers who belong to one of these few categories: local mosque accounts, Islamic education organisations, or Islamic content creators who may not necessarily be ARS-certified.
There is also an increasing number of Singaporean mosque accounts on platforms such as Instagram or TikTok, in a bid to garner more engagement and encourage more of the community to attend mosque events, or the mosque in general. Different mosque accounts would also have their own ‘personality’. Assyakirin Mosque has a mix of humourous reels with Islamic teachings interspersed, alongside informative posts in response to contemporary happenings. One such post discusses “In-Laws is Death” in the Islamic context, introducing the Hadith relating to it as well as its nuances, which is in response to a recent popular Netflix show of the same name in Malay (Ipar Adalah Maut). For those who are non-Malay speaking, or prefer more English-based content, they can refer to mosque accounts such as Al-Falah Mosque who also post informative posts that are more timeless, of which some are snippets from their article bank on alfalah.sg. We can see that these mosque accounts do diversify in terms of platform and content form in disseminating Islamic teachings. More importantly, regardless of the platform, many from the community view these accounts as a form of religious authority that they can garner religious knowledge from.
Other types of religious authority would also be organisational accounts of religious educational institutions in Singapore, which include names such as PERGAS or Alqudwah Academy, aside from the main Islamic Religious Council of Singapore (MUIS). PERGAS releases the occasional religious guidance that is disseminated via the online space, on pertinent topics such as domestic violence, or same-sex attraction. PERGAS also has a blog that releases articles written by their asatizahs, in both Malay and English, that explores various categories relating to Islam – from Contemporary Issues, to Personality, or Finance, among others. We can also note the endeavours of Muslim societies from Institutes of Higher Learning (IHLs) who may also disseminate beneficial knowledge on their organisation’s social media accounts.
While it is true that there are asatizahs behind these accounts who may give guidance on the content, knowledge-making and dissemination can be said to be a collective societal endeavour, considering that not everyone behind these accounts would be a certified asatizah.
The Internet as A Space for Identity Performance
Drawing on Goffman’s dramaturgical approach that posits how social identity is understood as something performed by the individual, this would be closely interlinked to the above when we discuss the different local stakeholders in those utilising the digital space in disseminating religious content.
By simply charting the success of the bigger names in the local religious online space in Singapore such as Ustazah Liyana Musfirah, we can see that much lies in personal branding, and in the way they brand their content as well. #FeelGoodIslam, as a hashtag that has been circulating in recent years, is an embodiment of the pedagogical approach taken by many asatizahs, by producing content that provides a softer intonation when delivering da’wah. Ustazah Liyana is seen as a champion for women, with her starting her own network that aims to “offer a difference towards how women experience themselves, their relationships with others and especially, their relationship with religion …” She often draws on her own personal journey in her da’wah, using it as a motivational tool for women to empower themselves in the face of hardship. In this sense, Ustazah’s online identity can be said to closely resemble her offline identity.
There are of course other interesting case studies of religious content creators who may not fall neatly into the asatizah category, but whose content still yields much influence in the community. For instance, Donjany, with 82k followers on Instagram and 399k followers on TikTok, has managed to build a name for himself from his motivational, Islam-based videos. Choosing to take the route of connecting directly with his audience by speaking into the camera, and then later, co-founding a faith-driven business that offer opportunities for the community to build their religious capacities (either through their products, services, or classes), Donjany’s identity has been solidified as someone who is able to do good and bring the community together through his content. Perhaps we may need to further explore community sentiments, but it is a fair assumption to make that these creators do yield much influence in bringing the community together through the various efforts and events organised. In Donjany’s case, he can be trusted to bring his own take on certain ‘trends’ that we might have observed overseas, such as Geng Subuh Macam Jumaat, that aims at bringing more people to the mosque for dawn prayers, or offering free haircuts to migrant workers on National Day. The receptiveness of the community to these community endeavours is largely contributed by the identity that he has curated for himself within the social media context, where the presentation of the self is crucial. While his own charisma and eloquence in presenting his content may be part of his appeal, his appeal might also be that outside of the online space, he works closely with asatizahs, which adds to his legitimacy and credibility as a religious content creator.
The Embedded Online-Offline Connection in Internet Practice
A 2008 study discussing the types of religious activities Muslim users engage in on the internet found that instead of totally replacing offline religious activities with online ones, their online religious activities seem to supplement traditional offline activities[11]. This can still be seen today, especially in the context of a post Covid-19 world, that urged society to explore alternative, online options in knowledge-seeking. Campbell supports this assertion by noting how “online religious practice may simply be an extension of offline religiosity”.
It has become a norm in recent years that many religious educational institutions in Singapore such as Alqudwah offer the option to attend their classes and seminars remotely, on top of having the option to attend physically. As a result of this shift towards a more technologically-savvy society, we see some measures taken to preserve the sanctity of religion in such a blended space. Some questions that may arise include: What, then, is the etiquette when seeking knowledge through online classes, in a context where one does not have to physically be in the presence of their teacher? If the class is pre-recorded, does the same etiquette still apply?
In such a space, there are some local ustazahs who do preface to their students before they start their female-only online classes to ensure that students are not taking the class at a place where non-mahrams are able to listen in or watch, in order to preserve hayaa’ (modesty). In other mixed-gender contexts, male students are urged to turn on their video cameras out of respect for their teacher. The principles behind these practices are not new – ultimately exemplifying the embeddedness of the online and offline practices in Internet practice.
Concluding Thoughts
While Campbell’s critical literature review is dated and there have been many major changes in the fabric of digital space since then, this preliminary examination allows us the first step into better situating the study of the digital world and Islam in Singapore to the broader field of Internet studies, where we have specifically explored the shifting conceptions of authority, the embeddedness of the online and offline space, as well as the internet as a space for identity performance. Our conceptions of what lies at the intersection of digital space and Islam is something that is constantly being shaped and reshaped, which may inevitably mean that the content and examples used in this article may be dated in a matter of years. However, there is still value in noting down these observations, to track the changes in the Singaporean Islamic digital landscape over the years, and observe – as consumers and creators of content – how we can we better navigate our faith in relation to the digital space.
[1] Campbell, H. A. (2012). Digital Religion: Understanding Religious Practice in New Media Worlds. Routledge.
[2] Tham, D. (2023). Nearly 9 in 10 Singapore resident households have internet access: IMDA. Channel News Asia. https://www.channelnewsasia.com/singapore/digital-access-smartphone-ownership-imda-3894676
[3] UCA News. (2022). Singapore’s anti-terror agency warns against cyber jihad. ucanews.com https://www.ucanews.com/news/singapores-anti-terror-agency-warns-against-cyber-jihad/98044
[4] Ismail, N. (2020). Youth radicalisation in Singapore: A growing threat in the digital age. RSIS Publications. https://www.rsis.edu.sg/rsis-publication/rsis/youth-radicalisation-in-singapore-a-growing-threat-in-the-digital-age/
[5] Ibid.
[6] U Azman, M. (2023). The power of social media dakwah. karyawan.sg https://karyawan.sg/the-power-of-social-media-dakwah/
[7] Alfiq, F. (2019). Developing a new generation of asatizah. rima.sg https://rima.sg/developing-a-new-generation-of-asatizah/
[8] Ismail, N. (2021). Asatizahs & Social Media: A Study On Singapore’s Prominent Asatizah Influencers.
[9] Campbell, H. (2001). Religion and the Internet: A microcosm for studying Internet trends and implications. Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication, 6(2).
[10] Basor, R. (2021). How does social media influence online radicalisation? muslim.sg https://muslim.sg/articles/how-does-social-media-influence-online-radicalisation
[11] Ho, S., Lee, W., & Hameed, S. (2008). Muslim surfers on the internet: Using the theory of planned behavior to examine the factors influencing engagement in online religious activities. New Media & Society, 10(11), 93-113. doi: 10.1177/1461444807085323
[12] A non-Mahram in Islam refers to a person whom it is permissible for one to marry, which means that it is obligatory as a Muslim who has reached puberty to guard their aurat. Aurat refers to parts of the body, for men and women, which should be covered according to Muslim laws for the preservation of modesty, and may include other aspects of the self, such as one’s voice, depending on the school of thought.
Nur Izzatie Adnan is currently a Research Analyst at the Centre of Research on Islamic and Malay Affairs (RIMA). She completed her undergraduate studies in Sociology at Nanyang Technological University, where she was able to cultivate her love for unpacking and diving deep into different cultural phenomena.
