Recently, the Centre for Research on Islamic and Malay Affairs (RIMA) spearheaded a webinar focusing on the religious experiences of Muslim migrant workers in Singapore1. The webinar addressed several critical issues, including the diverse socio-religious realities of Muslim migrant workers in Singapore, the significance of religious spaces for these workers, and the accessibility of religious education tailored to their specific jurisprudential backgrounds.
Additionally, the discussion highlighted the social and bureaucratic challenges faced by these workers and proposed steps to alleviate their conditions.
Another segment of Muslim migrant workers, who maintain closer physical proximity to the Muslim community in Singapore, comprises the migrant domestic workers or helpers employed in the homes of their employers. These helpers, who are often employed by Muslim employers – predominantly Malays – differ from their counterparts in the construction sector due to shared linguistic capabilities and cultural similarities, as many hail from Indonesia2. This geographical and cultural proximity facilitates a more nuanced integration into the Malay Muslim community in Singapore. Despite many cultural similarities shared with the local Malay Muslim community, many of the religious experiences encountered by domestic helpers may overlap significantly with those of construction migrant workers.
BUREAUCRATIC CHALLENGES
Before we explore the religious experiences of these helpers, perhaps we should look at the bureaucratic impediments they are facing, as it provides insights into the accessibility and lack thereof of religious resources in Singapore which ultimately shape a huge part of the religious experiences they have.
One of the biggest challenges Muslim domestic migrant workers face in Singapore is dealing with the bureaucratic system. Many of these workers arrive without adequate knowledge of their rights and the resources available to them. This information gap is further complicated by their reliance on employers, who often control access to these resources. The imbalance of power between employers and employees can result in workers being unaware of their rights, and effectively being unable to advocate for themselves.
The complexity of the bureaucratic system and the limited distribution of information in a language the workers understand, which is Indonesian, leave many unaware of their full rights. This dependency on employers for information and resources can lead to exploitative situations where workers are denied their basic rights. The bureaucratic framework established by state laws and policies, coupled with hiring practices that demand flexibility, adds to the unstable nature of their employment.
Based on several personal interviews I conducted, Asiyah, a helper working in a household in Sembawang, acknowledges that Singapore has strict laws against criminal acts, including those committed by local citizens against migrant workers. However, she remains unsure of the exact steps she needs to take to fully protect herself in situations such as facing abuse from her employer.
Although the government has taken steps to improve the working and living conditions of these helpers, such as entitling them to one rest day per month or at least two half days a month from January 2023 onwards3, more can be done to ensure their overall quality of life.
RELIGIOUS EDUCATION
The religious education that Muslim helpers receive in their home countries often differs significantly from what they encounter in Singapore. Many of these helpers come from communities deeply rooted in a communal culture of learning religion together in spaces like mosques, alongside neighbours and family members. While they may adhere to the same Shafi’i school of thought as most Muslims in Singapore4, it is important to recognise the different social contexts they come from. Indonesia, being a vast country, encompasses various provinces with diverse ethnic groups, each with unique cultural approaches to religious education.
For instance, helpers from secluded villages in the ethnically homogenous Central Java province which comprises mostly Javanese people5, may not be accustomed to Singapore’s multicultural environment, having primarily learned Islam from people within their own close-knit communities. On the other hand, those from Jakarta might be more adaptable, having been exposed to a more diverse cultural milieu and thus more accustomed to interacting with people from different backgrounds. Consequently, their ability to learn from culturally diverse teachers in Singapore can vary greatly.
Dewi, a helper from Cirebon, shared that back in her hometown, while she may not have a formal religious education, she is very much versed in a number of religious subjects by virtue of attending the mosque situated in her village. These religious teachers, addressed as santris, would give out sermons and religious guidance to the villagers and hold an important role in disseminating religious education6.
Understanding these nuances is crucial to appreciating the diverse religious experiences of these helpers. It highlights the need for tailored approaches to religious education that consider their varied backgrounds and ensure that they receive the support they need to continue their religious practices effectively.
Additionally, language is another aspect that impedes helpers’ access to religious education. Although the Malay language is quite similar to Bahasa Indonesia in many ways, these helpers come from various parts of Indonesia and may be accustomed to speaking their ethnic languages or dialects. The way Singaporean Malays speak Malay, often mixing it with Singlish (Singaporean English), can also be a hurdle for these helpers to overcome.
Furthermore, time is another factor preventing access to religious education. Many of these helpers are already burdened with numerous chores in their assigned homes. Often, they are overworked and exhausted from their tasks. When they do get some time for themselves, it is typically used to recharge and rest at home so that they can maintain their work quality.
RELIGIOUS SUPPORT SYSTEM
When it comes to accessing the religious support system in Singapore for the betterment of their mental health through mediums such as receiving personal religious counselling and guidance, or even culturally tailored therapy sessions, once again, the support seems a little inadequate for these Muslim helpers.
As previously mentioned, these Muslim helpers often rely heavily on the santris back home for religious guidance. This guidance typically includes informal counselling sessions and a strong sense of community, which they miss when they move to Singapore. Once in Singapore, they may not be fully aware of the various helplines or support systems available to them. Many also come from regions where mental health is not openly discussed7, further exacerbating their mental health. This lack of awareness means they may not recognise the need for a proper support system for their mental health.
Moreover, while local religious teachers may double up as emotional support providers for the local Muslim population through initiatives such as the Asatizah Solace Care8, this fact is not widely known to these helpers. The inability of these religious teachers to relate to the Muslim helpers due to different cultural backgrounds is another significant factor. This cultural gap can lead to misunderstandings and a diminished sense of empathy, making it much more difficult for these helpers to connect fully with these religious teachers and share their problems effectively. These teachers may also struggle to comprehend the nuances of the helpers’ diverse cultural backgrounds, hindering their ability to provide effective, tailored support.
Due to the obstacles in accessing proper religious support system for themselves, they feel more burdened and isolated, and it impacts their religious experience here negatively.
SOCIO-CULTURAL EXPERIENCE IN SINGAPORE
The socio-cultural landscape of Singapore presents both opportunities and challenges for Muslim domestic migrant workers. On one hand, Singapore’s diverse and multicultural society offers a level of acceptance and tolerance towards these helpers. However, the experience of integration into the local community, whether the Muslim community or the Singaporean community at large, varies. Some workers find acceptance and support, especially from local Muslims who share their faith, while others struggle with feelings of exclusion and prejudice from employers who simply lack the empathy and cultural awareness of these helpers who are culturally different from them.
The way the community perceives these Muslim helpers greatly influences their ability to fully connect and integrate into society. These helpers are usually seen as mere workers who come to make a living in Singapore, therefore there is a diminished sense of care shown to them, as they are regarded as people from outside the community. The classist behaviour exhibited by certain segments of the community toward these low-earning helpers, who are often restricted to house chores and caretaker duties, further aggravates their ability to connect with other segments of the local community.
However, it is worth noting that this is not always the case. Many employers are generally accepting of these helpers. For many Muslim families who choose to engage them, the similarity in faith and, to some extent, religious culture makes it easier for them to integrate into the small communities within these families. Many of them partake in religious cultural traditions such as tahlil gatherings, mawlids, and gatherings for well-being, and have the freedom to interact with extended family members of their employers, eat the same delicious food at these gatherings, and connect with other helpers who may be present during these events.
Outside of these settings, the connections, and networks they form with other helpers through such events allow them to create a unique small community of their own in Singapore. They bond with other helpers due to the shared nature of their work, providing a support system whenever needed.
While it is not entirely the same as the experiences they have back home, the connections formed through these small communities offer a semblance of the communal support they are accustomed to. The tahlil gatherings and mawlids may not be the same, but they are still shared cultural aspects they can experience here. These gatherings and interactions provide a crucial emotional and social lifeline, allowing the helpers to share their challenges, celebrate their achievements, and maintain their cultural and religious practices. This network of fellow helpers and supportive employers can significantly alleviate feelings of isolation and homesickness, fostering a sense of belonging and community in a foreign land.
MOVING FORWARD
In our efforts to improve the well-being and social integration of these Muslim helpers, a holistic approach undertaken by many members and stakeholders in the society is necessary.
Addressing bureaucratic challenges is crucial. Streamlining processes and improving the dissemination of information in languages the helpers understand can empower them to advocate for their rights more effectively. Additionally, educating employers about the rights of helpers is essential to prevent exploitative practices and ensure a supportive work environment.
To support these helpers, it is vital to enhance access to religious education that is sensitive to their cultural needs. Providing classes in languages they understand and adjusting to their schedules can help them maintain their religious practices and find comfort in their faith while away from home. A strong religious support system is needed, with local religious teachers and counsellors who are trained to address the specific cultural and emotional needs of these helpers, ensuring that they adopt a culturally competent framework. Promoting initiatives like Asatizah Solace Care can ensure that these workers know about and can easily access these resources. Building empathy and cultural understanding among religious leaders is essential to bridging cultural gaps and making these helpers feel more welcomed and supported.
In facilitating their social integration, addressing classist attitudes that lead to social isolation is essential. Community programmes that promote interaction between helpers and local residents can enhance mutual understanding and respect. Celebrating diversity and fostering inclusivity can help these workers feel recognised and part of the community. Employers are key to this integration, as their participation and appreciation of the cultural traditions and religious practices of their helpers can build a more inclusive and supportive environment, thereby strengthening the relationship between employers and workers.
To conclude, enhancing the experiences of Muslim helpers in Singapore involves tackling bureaucratic obstacles, improving religious education and support systems, and promoting socio-cultural integration. By taking these steps, these Muslim helpers can not only contribute to Singapore’s economy but also experience a sense of belonging and community in their new environment. This comprehensive approach will enrich Singapore’s cultural fabric, fostering a more inclusive and compassionate society.
1RIMA. ‘Religious Experience of Muslim Migrant Workers in Singapore | RIMA’. Accessed 10 June 2024. https://rima.sg/religious-experience-of-muslim-migrant-workers-in-singapore/.
2 Denisse. ‘7 Best Indonesian Maid Agencies in Singapore’. The Singaporean (blog), 21 November 2022. https://thesingaporean.sg/indonesian-maid-agencies/.
3Ministry of Manpower Singapore. ‘Rest Days, Health and Well-Being for Migrant Domestic Workers’. Accessed 10 June 2024. https://www.mom.gov.sg/passes-and-permits/work-permit-for-foreign-domestic-worker/employers-guide/rest-days-and-well-being.
4Britannica, T. Editors of Encyclopaedia. “Shāfiʿī.” Encyclopedia Britannica, April 10, 2018. https://www.britannica.com/topic/Shafiiyah.
5Oey, Eric, ed. Java. 3rd ed. Periplus Adventure Guides. [Hong Kong] : Singapore: Periplus Editions ; Distributor, Berkeley Books, 1997.
6Sa’dullah Assa’id. ‘The Growth of Pesantren in Indonesia as the Islamic Venue and Social Class Status of Santri’. Eurasian Journal of Educational Research, Eurasian Journal of Educational Research, 2021. https://doi.org/93 (2021) 425-440.
7Hartini, Nurul, Nur Ainy Fardana, Atika Dian Ariana, and Nido Dipo Wardana. ‘Stigma toward People with Mental Health Problems in Indonesia’. Psychology Research and Behavior Management 11 (31 October 2018): 535–41. https://doi.org/10.2147/PRBM.S175251.
8Pergas. ‘Asatizah Solace Care’. Accessed 11 June 2024. https://www.pergas.org.sg/what-we-do/community-dakwah-outreach/asatizah-solace-care/.
Abdillah Ammar is currently an undergraduate in the National University of Singapore double majoring in Political Science & Sociology. He is also taking a part-time degree in Hadith at Al-Madinah International University. His research interests include Sufi metaphysics, comparative politics and the role of customs in the Islamic legal tradition.
