Rising Religiosity in Singapore

Islamic Faith in Singapore

While it is difficult to make a blanket statement that Islamic religiosity has increased uniformly in Singapore, it is worth beginning with a discussion on the observable shifts in how Islam is practiced locally. These shifts reflect greater alignment with rulings derived from the Qur’an, and a re-evaluation of certain cultural and traditional rituals like Kuda Kepang and Wayang Golek that have been reshaped to align with Islamic values, thus shifting away from earlier animistic elements⁶.

In order to understand the nature of Islam in Singapore now, it is necessary to trace its development to the Shariah Revivalist Movement in the 1970s⁷. The way in which Islam has taken shape in Singapore is closely influenced by the opposition of several national policies by the proponents of this movement. They opposed policies such as the prohibition of the hijab (head covering) in schools and certain jobs and demanded for Muslim religious rights such as halal certification in food and safeguards against contamination of utensils in food joints. As a result of this movement, Singapore has bred a unique Islamic culture that differs from that in Western societies, which also house large Muslim communities and diaspora. Here, you would rarely catch Muslims in non-halal certified food establishments. At times, people are still wary even with ‘Muslim-owned’ food establishments without a halal certification.

Following the revivalist movement in the 1960s and 1970s, there was a shift in the way Islam was practiced by Muslims in Singapore, who at the time, came from different places ranging from Indonesia to South Asia. For example, there has been a change in the general social “dress code” of Malay-Muslim women that now includes a more widespread donning of the hijab. Other examples include a stricter conformity to dietary requirements after the introduction of halal certification and an increasing number of Muslims parents enrolling their children into Islamic schools⁸. However, levels of religiosity among the community also differ along educational lines, where highly educated parents are more likely to opt for Islamic education for their children⁹.

The Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura (MUIS) halal certification was established in 1978, following a high demand for Singapore food products and establishments to be made halal-certified¹⁰.This certification is not only reliable and well-enforced, it is also held to a high regard and increases consumer confidence of Muslims in Singapore¹¹. Compared to the author’s observations after living in Europe for half a year, the reliance on a halal certificate at food establishments is much heavier in Singapore. Some Muslims in Europe might instead choose to ask the restaurant whether the meat used is halal and whether the cooking process is shariah compliant. This allows for more leeway in what is considered a socially acceptable halal diet. This culture of self-checking exists on a lower scale in Singapore¹², where eating at a non-halal certified establishment may invite criticism and scrutiny on one’s religiosity. This upholds a culture where alignment to religious standards is emphasised and visible in Singapore.

Regional Influence: Indonesia’s Hijrah Movement  

There is no doubt that cultural and ideological exchanges within Southeast Asian cultures in Singapore exists. Singaporeans are not insulated from regional influence, particularly when it comes to religion. We can take reference to an urban phenomenon observed in Indonesia, referred to as the hijrah movement which entails embarking on a journey in taking on a new, devout religious identity upon leaving previous perceived sinful behaviours¹³. This includes dressing more modestly, particularly for women (think niqabs (a long garment that covers the whole body and face, except the eyes), hand socks and tudung labuh (loose headscarf), restraining from pre-marital dating, and increasing one’s knowledge of Islam and the Qur’an. The movement towards more modest dressing can also be observed through the emergence of online tutorials for longer, fully covered hijab styles within the local influencer scene, suggesting that religious commitment in dressing can play into what makes a “good Muslim. Additionally, the hijrah movement has spread across social media through online influencers, and other forms of media such as films, including 172 Days (2023), Hijrah Cinta (2014), and Pengin Hijrah (2025) that portray the hijrah way of life. Not only does Indonesia have the largest online media market in Southeast Asia, Bahasa Indonesia can also be easily understood by Singaporean Malays¹⁴. This means that Indonesian media has a great influence over Singaporean consumers to adopt similar values and practices. The use of social media in religious preaching and sharing of knowledge provides a platform and network for Singaporean Muslims to perpetually and virtually connect with Islam and other Muslims.

Both modernisation theory and a historial look into Singapore’s shifts in practising Islam offer useful lenses for understanding the relationship between economic development and religiosity. Modernisation theory posits a generally inverse correlation between economic development and religiosity, suggesting that increased prosperity is associated with declining religious observance. According to an Institute of Policy Studies (IPS) study, Muslims in Singapore have generally high levels of religiosity and see religion as a primary and integral part of their identity. In this respect, Islam in Singapore stands out as an anomaly to the modernisation theory¹⁵. 

In a world that is increasingly uncertain, the search for one's identity, community, and purpose has also become increasingly bleak. With trade wars, armed conflicts, environmental crises, and increasingly precarious job markets, systems that have been built on values such as democracy and meritocracy have now seemingly failed¹⁶. As such, when confidence in these frameworks weakens, people may turn to religion as a solace. As Karl Marx controversially wrote, “religion is the opium of the people”. Though known as an addictive drug, opium was once also of medicinal value. This quote describes religion’s role as an avenue for the oppressed working class to find temporary relief and ignite hope with the promise of an afterlife. This belief gave people motivation to continue their lives, as bleak as it may be.

Today, unlike the modernisation theory, we can see a mirror of this happening in the modern world as individuals beginning to realise that meritocracy might be a myth, that democracy might not always represent the peoples’ needs, and that the natural environment is slowly deteriorating under capitalistic and extractive systems. The persisting class struggle could also be a strong driving force for people to find safe a haven in religion. People may begin to strengthen their hold onto religion as a point of familiarity, strength, and unity in adversity.