
The phrase “every school is a good school,” popularised by former Deputy Prime Minister Heng Swee Keat during his term as the Minister for Education, was meant to reassure Singaporeans that educational success is not limited to elite institutions. Yet growing up as the only child of a double-income household, I often heard the unspoken caveats to this statement. I was raised in a home where discussions about politics, economics, and social issues were commonplace. My parents, a journalist and a bank executive, reminded me that education was the great equaliser, and that anyone who worked hard in school could succeed. Academic achievement, to them, was the key to upward mobility. I came from a ‘prestigious school’ and had access to every educational opportunity – private tuition, enrichment programmes, and exposure to intellectual discourse – so that I could thrive in Singapore’s highly competitive academic environment. I had access to networks and opportunities that many of my peers did not.
As I progressed through the education system though, I noticed some flaws that led me to question: to what extent does Singapore’s meritocratic system enable true social mobility, and where does it fall short? To investigate this, I will look at how meritocracy functions in Singapore, and the extent to which socioeconomic disparities influence success. In this article, the term privileged refers to individuals who not only possess material advantages, but also access to social and cultural capital – forms of intangible resources derived from relationships and networks. Social mobility on the other hand refers to the ability of individuals to move up the social and economic ladder over time.
Meritocracy is a central principle of the nation’s education system which enables individuals to advance based on their abilities and efforts, rather than their background. It was a response to colonial-era discrimination in the civil service where British expatriates were systematically favoured over local officers, and eventually seen as a way to eliminate patronage and “build a clean and effective public service.” When applied to a competitive academic environment, Singapore intends to reward those who work hard regardless of their family’s socioeconomic status.
A closer look at Singapore’s elite institutions suggests that the educational system may not be as meritocratic as it appears. Many of the country’s ministers and public servants often come from a select group of elite schools (e.g., Raffles Institution or Anglo-Chinese School), where access to prestigious connections and specialised training begin at a young age. Similarly, when I was in school, I realised that I, too, was surrounded by peers from the same privileged backgrounds. The schools I attended were filled with students whose parents were professionals or public officials. The perception that these institutions had become the expected “respected” background for future leaders reinforces the notion that social mobility is inherently linked to access to the right educational opportunities. This “circle of influence” creates a situation where educational success and political leadership positions are concentrated within a narrow social group. As a result, those who are already positioned within these networks are more likely to succeed, perpetuating a cycle where social mobility becomes a challenge for those from less privileged backgrounds. While some of my success can be credited to hard work, I recognise that my starting point was not the same as that of many others. My parents’ ability to invest in my education played a substantial role in shaping my opportunities. If I benefited from these advantages, then how fair is the system to those who do not? If meritocracy is intended to create a level playing field, it raises important questions when many of those in top positions tend to come from a narrow (and same) group of institutions.
In recent years, Singapore has introduced initiatives such as the UPLIFT Programme and enhanced financial assistance schemes for education. Non-profit organisations like Access Singapore also work to bridge opportunity gaps. However, while these aim to strengthen social mobility, they often address symptoms rather than the structural roots of inequality. The persistence of performance gaps and concentrated privilege in elite institutions suggest that more comprehensive and systemic reforms are needed to ensure equity.
The education system in Singapore is centred around national exams which shape a student’s academic trajectory from an early age. In response to longstanding concerns about the rigidity and social consequences of academic streaming, the Ministry of Education has progressively introduced Full Subject-Based Banding (SBB) across all secondary schools. Replacing the Express, Normal (Academic), and Normal (Technical) streams, Full SBB allows students to take subjects at different levels (G1, G2, or G3) based on their strengths, rather than being placed in a fixed stream determined by their Primary School Leaving Examinations (PSLE) performance at 12 years old. While this policy shift aims to encourage greater flexibility and reduce the stigma associated with lower academic tracks, significant limitations remain. Students are still grouped by subject levels, which act as informal proxies for previous streaming labels, and peer perception continues to reinforce academic hierarchies. Furthermore, without addressing the underlying socioeconomic disparities, SBB risks being a cosmetic change. Those from less privileged backgrounds may still face significant hurdles in accessing higher level subjects or realising upward mobility through education.
Interestingly, students from lower-income homes in Singapore have outperformed the average student across all participating countries as seen from the results of the Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) results in 2022. However, this does not necessarily reflect an equitable system. While the meritocratic education system may appear to offer upward mobility for students, this view ignores the structural inequalities that still exist within the system. Half of Singaporean students ranked in the top international quintile for socioeconomic status, with an average mathematics score of 613 points (one of the highest for their socioeconomic group). Within Singapore though, the academic divide between the top 25% (most advantaged), and the bottom 25% (most disadvantaged) was 112 points, exceeding the OECD average gap of 93 points.4 Essentially, socioeconomic status accounted for 17% of the variation in mathematics performance, surpassing the OECD average of 15%.5 Simply put, economic privilege continues to influence academic outcomes – leading to a phenomenon called “parentocracy” – an education system increasingly shaped not by a student’s individual merit, but by the choices and resources of their parents. In such a system, those with the financial means and institutional know-how are better positioned to secure advantage for their children. A survey conducted by Access Singapore found that nearly 60% of respondents would move to another neighbourhood if it meant securing a spot for their child in a prestigious school – a common strategy in Singapore, where living within 1-2km of a school can significantly improve a child’s chances of admission under the Primary 1 registration framework.6 Nine in 10 acknowledged the importance of strong social connections in securing attractive jobs, while seven in 10 believed that living in certain neighbourhoods grants better access to these networks.7 These results reinforce the notion that again, social mobility is not solely based on merit, but is also largely influenced by access to prestigious schools and social connections.
Individuals with access to insider knowledge and informal mentorships may be able to navigate these spaces with greater ease. This speaks to the power of social capital. While meritocracy promises that all individuals can achieve social advancement through hard work, social capital can act as an accelerant. For instance, two equally competent graduates may enter the same field, but the one with family connections or well-placed mentors is more likely to land coveted internships or career-defining opportunities. Social capital does not necessarily replace effort, but it can streamline the path to success and reduce the time it takes to get there. In this way, privilege is reproduced subtly, not through overt discrimination, but through the uneven distribution of intangible assets that make advancement less burdensome for some than for others.
This article has revealed that the idea of equal opportunity clashes with the reality of structural inequalities. While Singapore provides equal access to education through public schools and national examinations, this does not equate to equal starting points. The distinction between having access to enter academic pathways and possessing the social capital to accelerate within them is crucial: students from more privileged backgrounds not only attend the same schools but also benefit from additional resources that give them an enduring edge. Privilege and access, whether through family connections or institutional affiliations heavily determines outcomes, even in systems that profess to reward only merit and hard work. The social capital that I and many others benefit from sets people apart in ways that hard work alone cannot.
Wani Wardina is a third-year undergraduate at the Australian National University, undertaking a double degree in Public Policy and Political Science. Beyond the realm of academia, she brings a vibrant mix of interests, including a love for cats and a penchant for sweet potatoes.