Social reproduction goes beyond the traditional conception of labour as being solely limited to the creation of goods. It involves the process by which capitalist societies maintain and reproduce the conditions that are necessary for the capitalist system to continue functioning. Originally proposed by Karl Marx, this idea contests the limited perspective that only acknowledges market-productive labour (paid work) as real “work” and broadens the definition of labour to include the familial, communal, and societal efforts that allow people to join the force.^[1] Theorists argue that the different processes required to maintain a society are not separate from productive labour but are crucial for the overall functioning of the capitalist system. In other words, the production of goods and the sustenance of individuals are interconnected components of capitalism that mutually reinforce each other. This includes performing unpaid care work within families.

Marxist analysis, while focusing on class exploitation, overlooked the specific gendered dimensions of labour.^[2] Feminist theory extends this perspective by highlighting how unpaid labour is exploited and is often intertwined with gender dynamics. It shows how capitalism relies on and perpetuates women’s unequal burden of unpaid care work, which enables other forms of labour to function. This labour, otherwise known as unpaid care work, comprises caring for children, preparing meals, and maintaining cleanliness within the home. Women’s dedication to care work may hinder their participation in paid employment or hinder their opportunities for career advancement, impacting their financial independence as well as leading to a concentration in lower-paid and less stable jobs. In addition, feminist theorists examine how general government and public policies contribute to the perpetuation of gender hierarchies. Women are disproportionately impacted by limited accessible and reliable childcare, maternity leave, and career assistance.

This general lack of care systems emphasises women’s obligation to perform unpaid care work and restricts their ability to advance economically. The concept of social reproduction, thus, stresses the indispensable role of care work in sustaining the labour force beyond mere economic transactions.

Disparities in unpaid care work contribute to inequalities in paid work through time allocation, which refers to the distribution and allocation of time to various tasks, or responsibilities in an individual’s daily life. The disproportionate burden of unpaid care work, primarily borne by women, limits their availability to participate fully in the formal workforce.^[3] Women’s capacity to engage in paid employment is limited as they devote more time to caregiving and domestic responsibilities, resulting in lower workforce participation rates and less prospects for professional growth. This reduces their earning potential and economic independence, contributing to the gender pay gap and maintaining existing disparities. Sadly, many of these women are more susceptible to abusive relationships. Their ability to make independent decisions about their lives and professions are limited as a result of having to rely on male partners or family members for financial support.

Additionally, a growing number of households are led by women who are responsible for both earning an income and providing care. This places a considerable burden on women’s time and energy as they are forced to juggle numerous obligations. Arlie Russell Hochschild’s The Second Shift reveals that when unpaid care work is combined with time spent in paid employment, women’s overall workload is significantly greater than that of men – “Most women work one shift at the office… and a “second shift” at home.”^[4] This also brings us to the concept of “feminisation of responsibility and/or obligation” which is a phenomenon where women, especially those with young children, are shouldering an increasingly disproportionate burden of meeting household needs even when fathers are present in the household.^[5] It stems from historical precedents where women’s primary role was within the domestic sphere, while men’s contributions were largely confined to the public and economic realms.

Unpaid care work is still prevalent within the Malay-Muslim community, with women mostly regarded as the primary caretakers. The Labour Force Participation Rate (LFPR) clearly illustrates this — the Malay LFPR has consistently trailed other ethnic groups, reflecting a disparity that extends beyond race. Historically, many Malay women were absent from the workforce, but positive changes have emerged in recent years, indicating a rising trend in labour force participation. Nevertheless, this progress is juxtaposed with persistent challenges, as unemployment rates among Malays fluctuate, with rates notably higher than the general population, particularly for women.^[6]

There is, however, a generational shift in attitudes towards unpaid care work within the community as younger generations may approach these responsibilities with different perspectives. One vital aspect of this transformation is the expanded educational horizons available to the younger cohort. With greater access to education, Malay-Muslim women have the potential to reevaluate their roles within the family structure. The pursuit of higher education equips them with skills and knowledge that may reshape their perceptions of career aspirations and familial duties. As educational opportunities become more accessible, they play a fundamental role in redefining the traditional roles associated with unpaid care work. Along with an increasing female workforce participation, this traditional division of labour prompts a reassessment of familial roles and necessitates pragmatic adaptations to address the changing needs of Malay-Muslim households here.

A common practice in Singapore demonstrates this. Many dual-income families engage domestic helpers, often from countries like Indonesia, the Philippines, and Myanmar, to help with various domestic tasks. Cooking, cleaning, and child and senior care are among the obligations covered by these tasks. Domestic helpers essentially became an integral part of the household, playing an important role in enabling families to manage their unpaid care work more efficiently. Hiring domestic helpers can have both beneficial and negative consequences for women’s participation in the formal workforce. It can relieve working mothers of the stress of unpaid care work, allowing them to devote more time and attention to their jobs, perhaps contributing to increased workforce participation rates for women who have access to domestic help. However, the hiring of domestic helpers can also reinforce traditional gender norms and divisions in labour. While women may benefit from having additional support with household and caregiving tasks, this practice can inadvertently perpetuate the idea that such responsibilities are solely the domain of women. This can influence societal perceptions and expectations, further entrenching the notion that women are primarily responsible for unpaid care work. Additionally, the ability to hire domestic helpers is often linked with socioeconomic status. Affluent households are more likely to have the financial means to employ domestic helpers, while lower-income households may not have the same option. This creates income-based disparities in access to support for unpaid care work, potentially exacerbating inequalities in paid labour opportunities.

Thus, it is imperative for the community to advocate for workplace policies that facilitate a harmonious integration of these spheres. Employers within the community can significantly impact this effort by endorsing formal policies, such as flexible working hours and parental leave, signalling a commitment to the holistic well-being of their workforce. Introducing flexible working hours is crucial for adapting to the diverse family structures prominent in the community. This approach acknowledges that the conventional 9-to-5 model may not cater to the subtle requirements of employees, especially those handling caregiving responsibilities. The aftermath of the COVID-19 pandemic has also witnessed the implementation of hybrid arrangements in some workplaces, which combine elements of remote and on-site work. It has proven instrumental in accommodating caregiving responsibilities. This increased acceptance of remote work as a viable and productive option has made the burdens associated with unpaid care work become more manageable.

Hence, the logical next step is for more workplaces to adopt this hybrid arrangement, fostering a work environment that embraces flexibility and supports the various needs of the modern workforce.

By examining the relationship between social reproduction, unpaid care work, and disparities in paid labour we can see that these elements are revealed to be closely linked and profoundly established within society systems. Social reproduction sheds light on the hidden forces that shape our communities by encompassing the processes that sustain societies and perpetuate inequality. There is an emphasis on the economic factors that maintain inequality between labour and capital. On the other hand, it has been discovered that patriarchal norms and gendered expectations impact women’s roles, limiting their employment options. Unpaid care work, mostly performed by women, acts as the basic glue that keeps households running, yet it is frequently devalued, contributing to gender discrepancies in paid work. Ignoring the importance of care work jeopardises the stability and sustainability of economies, as it directly impacts the physical and emotional well-being of workers. This calls for a re-evaluation of societal values and policies to ensure that this labour is redistributed equitably.

¹ Tithi Bhattacharya, Social Reproduction Theory: Remapping Class, Recentering Oppression (Mapping Social Reproduction Theory) (Pluto Press, 2017), 2.
² Silvia Federici, “Marx and Feminism”, Marx @ 200: Debating Capitalism & Perspectives for the Future of Radical Theory Vol 16, No. 2 (2018), 470, https://doi.org/10.31269/triplec.v16i2.1004.
³ Esquivel,V. “What is a transformative approach to care, and why do we need it?”, Gender & Development Vol. 22, No. 3 (2014): 424, https://doi.org/10.1080/13552074.2014.963303.
⁴ Hochschild, A.R. and Machung, A. The Second Shift: Working Parents and the Revolution at Home (Penguin, 2012).
⁵ Razavi, S. “Rethinking Care in a Development Context: An Introduction”, Development and Change Vol. 42, No. 4 (2011), 875, https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-7660.2011.01722.x.
⁶ Association of Muslim Professionals, Demographic Study on Singapore Malays (Singapore, 2017), 198. https://www.amp.org.sg/wp-content/uploads/2017/06/12-Section-9_Demographic-Study.pdf.

Wani Wardina is a second-year undergraduate at the Australian National University, undertaking a double degree in Public Policy and Political Science. Beyond the realm of academia, she brings a vibrant mix of interests, including a love for cats and a penchant for video games.