The nation recently commemorated the 50^th anniversary of its independence on 9 August. The process of nation-building cannot be understood without an inquiry into our understanding of ‘progress’. It is therefore timely to reflect on where we came from, the milestones achieved, the obstacles faced and, more importantly, where to go from here.

WHAT DO WE MEAN BY PROGRESS?
When speaking of ‘progress’, what might come to mind would be the idea of moving forward, achieving certain goals or realising certain ideals. Our notion of progress and success determines the type of ideals we select as a vision for progress. Ideals reflect a certain social and cultural outlook, shaped by historical, ideological, political and religious factors. Those who manage to embody these ideals become the role models for those who have yet to succeed. Ideals are not necessarily benign, and neither are they free from certain vested interests or ideological baggage. To understand our progress and to shape a vision of progress for the future, it is crucial to examine our existing ideals and how we attempt to realise them.

In Singapore, the dominant notion of ‘progress’ is understood in material and economic terms, exemplified through educational attainment and gainful employment. This has to do with the dominant state ideology of capitalism and pragmatism, maintained through its brand of meritocratic policies. Since the period of independence, Malay women have attained progress in education and employment. Women, who were encouraged to participate in Singapore’s burgeoning industrialising economy, contributed largely in the fields of labour-intensive manufacturing industries, the commerce and trade sectors where they worked as secretaries, clerks and saleswomen, and in the professional sector as teachers and nurses. Statistics show that since the 1970s, the rate of female participation in the economy has been rising steadily. This indicates the success of the state’s capitalist vision.

The limitations of such notions of progress are often not questioned by the Malay-Muslims here, who have generally adapted to them. This can be seen, for instance, in the mainstream media and echoed by Malay-Muslim elites. A certain understanding of Islam, which is uncritical of capitalist and patriarchal values, is also used to buttress such notions of progress. These are limited because they do not consider other nonmaterial or human factors which would contribute to building a more just and equal society.

In my opinion, while Malay women generally have attained material progress, other aspects of progress are often overlooked. An important aspect of progress is that of gender equality. This vision of progress would be one which challenges and overcomes patriarchal and sexist norms, ideologies and practices perpetuated by the prevailing political system, the excesses of capitalism, as well as certain types of religious orientations and cultural practices. The existing vision of progress is limited in the aspect of gender equality.

For instance, the notion of the “ideal” family where men are the natural leaders and providers and women are the supporters and caregivers, creates problems when they are promoted without considering people’s lived realities, such as the predominance of dual-income households in our contemporary society. Such arrangements, which affect a household’s division of labour, would certainly transform gender relations, and one may even question the naturalness of certain roles. The problem is not only that these different roles are seen as a given and unchangeable, but they also signify a hierarchy, where men are viewed as innately superior. Another example would be the continued expectation of women’s submissiveness to their husbands, which contradicts social norms where women are seen as active partners and colleagues to men in the public sphere. These ideals or expectations are sanctioned by patriarchal interpretations of Islam and cultural values transmitted from generations.

This problem is further compounded by certain policies in Singapore which still rely on this understanding of gender roles while also expecting women to contribute economically. It perpetuates the idea that women should be able to have and do it all, hence creating pressures and burdens on women while not placing the same emphasis on men. The ideal ‘supermom’ is not merely abstract but has implications on the lives of women since it has repercussions in policy and decision-making. They also create problems when it comes to the social perceptions of women who do not fit into these categories as not fulfilling their destinies as women. Women are still defined fundamentally in terms of their sexual, reproductive and care-giving roles, instead of being seen first and foremost as complete human beings with diverse backgrounds, value systems and aspirations.

CHANGES AND CONTINUITIES: THE MAKING OF THE IDEAL MALAY WOMAN
To examine our dominant idea of progress, we should look into the sort of ideals which we aspire to or set as a benchmark. Therefore, I want to problematise the idea of the ideal Malay woman, reflected in those who embody such ideals and are championed as role models to the community.

In the past 50 years, the making of the ideal Malay woman has been subjected to various dynamics shaping our local and global economic, socio-political and religious landscapes. Some studies have shown the shifts in the portrayals and expectations of the ideal Malay woman in the mainstream media, which echo the sentiments of the Malay-Muslim political and religious elites and the dominant state narrative. Nonetheless, as these studies demonstrate, the primary assumption underlying these portrayals is the primacy of the role of women as wives and mothers.

These portrayals, particularly in Berita Harian, have shown some shifts while maintaining certain dominant ideas about the ideal role and self-presentation of Malay women.¹ Prior to independence, there were voices of women who actively expressed their views to promote the emancipation of Malay women. From the 1970s, with industrialisation and the increasing admittance of women into the workforce, there were concerns articulated by the government and Malay elites of the tensions for women between modernisation and maintaining traditional notions of morality. The ideal Malay woman, as shown in the media, was one who worked while simultaneously upholding her morality, thus not being swayed by the excesses of modernity.

Such a notion of women as bastions of traditional morality against increasing modernisation and Westernisation continued to be perpetuated in the 1980s. However, a more pronounced and distinctive Islamic dimension was added to the ‘ideal Malay woman’. This was in line with the heightened religious fervor within the Malay-Muslim community, in line with the regional and global religious resurgence of that period. Women were largely portrayed as dutiful wives and loving mothers. The notion of ideal motherhood was couched upon an overtly Islamic image, which affirmed the pre-existing expectations of gender roles. From the 1990s, with the increasing talk surrounding the need for women to juggle work and motherhood, the portrayal of the ideal Malay woman shifted to one who could effectively balance work and family commitments. Such women were often shown as success stories. It served to demonstrate the idea that women, who were primarily mothers and caregivers, could still ‘have it all’ by successfully balancing work and motherhood. There were also reminders given out to women to maintain their domestic femininity even while contributing socially and economically. Therefore, the traditional notion of women’s domestic roles were not downplayed in light of modernisation, but were highlighted to complement their modern lifestyles.

Telling women to somehow find a way to balance their multiple roles or idealizing those who are seemingly successful in doing so does not consider the limitations of existing policies and structures concerning families and employment. Also, this creates dilemmas within many women, who are forced to make difficult choices between financially supporting their families and being caregivers to their children. Such an outlook on the ‘ideal Malay woman’ also does not place an equal amount of responsibility and pressure on men to fully exercise their roles as husbands and fathers, aside from being economic providers. This is not to disregard the importance of the role of economic provision, but to highlight the fact that such expectations of women do not factor in various family arrangements, such as dual-income households and single-parent families. Our expectations of gender roles should certainly be empathetic to the shifts in people’s lived experiences.

MOVING FORWARD: WHERE DO WE GO FROM HERE?
Learning from our past, we can uncover marginalised histories of Malay women’s participation in society. For instance, between the 1940s and 1960s, women’s groups actively expressed their views and visions for the emancipation of women. Clearly, certain historical developments which ensued had gradually marginalized and silenced such women’s voices, replacing the projection of domesticity which is somehow balanced with economic pursuit as an ideal for women from the 1970s onwards. Progress needs to be understood in terms of how women are treated, the opportunities given, our treatment of gender and sexual discrimination, as well as our expectations and practice of gender roles, which is becoming increasingly fluid. An increasingly diverse civil society and social media should also serve as platforms for ideas of gender equality to be continually promoted and engaged with.

Moving forward, as a society, we should rethink some of our existing ideals for continued progress. Material accumulation as a key indicator of progress is insufficient. One such ideal, as highlighted, is that of gender equality. This has to begin with the recognition that gender roles (for both men and women) are not fixed and thus it is necessary to rethink some of these roles. This should have structural implications in terms of policies and support for families. Social and cultural expectations of gender roles, especially those sanctioned by patriarchal religious interpretations, should also be questioned and examined. The lag between certain problematic ideals and lived realities can only be mitigated when real change is experienced. ⬛

¹ Nurhaizatul Jamila Jamil, Perempuan, Isteri dan…: Embodied Agency and the Malay Woman of Contemporary Singapore, Academic Exercise, NUS (2009) and Nursyahidah Binte Mohamad Jamal, Framing Malay Women: Representations of Malay Women in Berita Harian Post-Independence, Academic Exercise, NUS (2012).

Nurul Fadiah Johari is currently pursuing her Masters at the Department of Malay Studies, in the National University of Singapore. Her research interests include sociology and social psychology of religion, inter and intra-faith relations, as well as issues generally concerning the Malay-Muslim community. Her ongoing thesis looks into contemporary intrafaith relations within the Malay-Muslim community in Singapore, especially in light of the growing diversity and visibility of various religious orientations and voices.